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Medical conditions with a social gradient include respiratory and communicable diseases such as asthma, bronchiolitis and gastroenteritis. Injuries with a social gradient include road traffic crashes, drowning and falls.
From to an average of 28 0—14 year olds died each year from medical conditions with a social gradient, and an average of 35 died from injuries with a social gradient. From to , there were on average 41, hospitalisations each year of 0—14 year olds for medical conditions with a social gradient and on average 8, hospitalisations per year for injury with a social gradient. From — there were hospitalisations of 0—14 years olds for injuries arising from assault, neglect, or maltreatment.
The highest hospitalisation rate occurred in in the first year of life. Discrepancies in educational attainment persist despite improvements in all ethnic groups and in schools in areas with different levels of socioeconomic deprivation.
There were , 0—17 year olds dependent on a benefit recipient in June The indicators used to measure child poverty in this report were recommended by the Expert Advisory Group on Solutions to Child Poverty. These indicators comprise income measures using both a constant value fixed-line and contemporary median moving-line as well as measures of material hardship, severe poverty and poverty persistence.
The five measures each capture different aspects of child poverty and facilitate monitoring the reduction of child poverty in New Zealand. The data for these indicators are from two reports produced annually by the Ministry of Social Development about household incomes and about material wellbeing of New Zealand households.
Household income is one measure commonly used to monitor child poverty. Children who live in households with low family income can experience lifelong damage, with proven effects on health, nutrition, brain development and educational attainment. This section of the child poverty monitor presents data on children aged 0—17 years living in households with low incomes, using the equivalised income of the household that includes the child. Housing costs, which include mortgage and rent payments, often make up a large proportion of household costs.
The contemporary median poverty threshold compares incomes in a given year to the median income in the same year. It is considered most useful for assessing longer term change. Using this measure, poverty rates fall when the incomes of low-income households move closer to the median, whether or not they actually rise or fall in real terms.
The fixed-line measure compares income in a given year to the median income in a reference year, and is considered most useful for examining short to medium term change. When using a fixed-line the anchored poverty lines can become unrealistically low or high relative to the contemporary median, and it is necessary to re-set the reference year, which was set at until , and at from , adjusting back and forward using the CPI in both cases.
Very few international data sources provide AHC values, and BHC data are frequently used in international comparisons. Dependent children are all those under 18 years, except for those 16 and 17 year olds who are in receipt of a benefit in their own right or who are employed for 30 hours or more a week.
Equivalised household income is the household after-tax cash income for the previous twelve months adjusted for household size and composition. Contemporary median poverty measures are set relative to the median income for the same survey year.
This gives a low income threshold that rises and falls with changes in contemporary median incomes. This type of measure is also called moving-line or relative approach. Improvement is considered to have occurred when a poor household moves closer to the median irrespective of whether income in real terms has increased or decreased. Fixed-line poverty measures are anchored in a base year in this report the base year is and kept at a constant value in real terms over other years. This type of measure is also called a constant value or anchored approach.
Improvement is considered to have occurred when household income rises in real terms irrespective of what is happening to the incomes of other households.
The median is a more stable measure of household incomes than the mean. A few households with a very high income will shift the mean upwards, and the number of very-high-income households varies from year to year. Children aged 0—17 years in low-income households by selected poverty thresholds, New Zealand — There was a marked increase in rates of income poverty for New Zealand children between and , with little change overall since using a contemporary median measure.
The marked increase in both contemporary median and fixed-line measures of child income poverty between and can be attributed to rising unemployment, and cuts made to benefits in which disproportionately reduced incomes for beneficiaries compared with changes in median income.
A key factor in explaining the longer-term differences between AHC and BHC rates is that housing costs, on average, now make up a higher proportion of household expenditure for low-income households than they did in the s. No further policy changes were made during — and there was no change to the maximum rates of assistance despite housing costs continuing to increase. Dependent 0—17 year olds in low-income households by selected income poverty thresholds after housing costs, New Zealand — Dependent 0—17 year olds in households with equivalised income below selected income poverty thresholds fixed-line median income before and after housing costs, New Zealand — Children and young people aged 0—17 years are more likely than adults to live in low-income households.
From to income poverty rates were consistently higher for 0—17 year olds than for adults aged 25—44 years with the lowest income poverty rates among adults aged 65 years or older, using both fixed-line and contemporary median poverty thresholds Figure 4 , 5. Patterns of income poverty for children vary in relation to age, ethnicity, household type, number of children in the household and source of household income.
For most of the time between and income poverty rates for younger children 0—6 and 7—11 years were generally higher than for older children 12—17 years, Figure 6. The lines go "off trend" in for older children and in for younger children, which illustrates the importance of looking at trends over several surveys rather than relying on year-on-year comparisons in interpreting data. Household composition and the work status of adults in the household affect the proportion of 0—17 year olds living in low-income households.
Children in households where at least one adult in the household was self-employed or in full-time employment were much less likely to live in a low-income household than children living in households where there were no adults in full-time work Figure 7. Children living in sole parent households have consistently experienced much higher rates of income poverty compared with children in two parent households Figure 8.
The NZHES year-to-year sampling fluctuations led to fewer-than-usual beneficiary households with children being interviewed in Although poverty rates for children in sole parent families are much higher than for children in two-parent families, around half of poor children come from two-parent families and half from sole parent families. On average from — around two in five poor children came from households where at least one adult was in full-time paid employment or was self-employed.
Non-income measures of wellbeing and hardship focus on day-to-day living conditions, ranking households using a direct measurement approach compared with the indirect and partial approach inherent in household income analysis. Together with income measures they give a comprehensive account of the relative differences between groups and in trends over time.
For low-income households an income increase will almost always raise their material wellbeing. However income alone is often not a reliable indicator, as factors other than income which determine whether a household has the resources needed to achieve a minimum acceptable standard of living vary considerably between households.
For the first time the NZHES included child-specific items, and these are also presented in this report. A higher score on the MWI is associated with improved material wellbeing, and is equivalent to a lower score on DEP, i. The MWI captures the living conditions and consumption across all households from low to high material living standards, rather than focusing only on the families with low material living standards.
These hardship levels are indicative only, and should not be read as official or definitive cut-off points. The proportion of 0—17 year olds living in households experiencing material hardship was consistently higher than the proportion of the total population.
Adults aged 65 years or older have consistently had the lowest rate of living in households experiencing material hardship Figure Children aged 0—17 years in households living in material hardship, by hardship level New Zealand — Individuals living in material hardship 7 or more lacks on DEP by selected age groups, New Zealand — Hardship is experienced by children in households with a range of incomes. Because there are many more households with incomes above this income poverty threshold than below it, the number in hardship in each group is broadly similar.
Conversely their circumstances can improve when there are greater employment opportunities and wage growth. The items used to construct DEP and other indices of material hardship and wellbeing are, of necessity, relevant to all ages and household types. Almost all the child-specific information is about items and experiences that most would agree every child should have and none should be deprived of. Economising not at all, a little, a lot — to keep down costs to help in paying for other basic items not just to be thrifty or to save for a trip or other non-essential.
In reporting on these measures, Perry 7 selected twelve of the child-specific items and combined with six general household items that are particularly relevant to children. This combination comprised an item list of potential child-specific or child-relevant restrictions and lacks.
However a group of children experience multiple restrictions or lacks. This experience of multiple material restrictions or lacks clusters strongly at the hardship end of the spectrum. Multiple restrictions experienced by children aged years, by decile of household material wellbeing index score, New Zealand Table 3 presents the proportion of children who experience child-specific restrictions and child-relevant general household items, by child MWI decile.
Within this table are 12 selected child-specific items. Over half of New Zealand 6—17 year olds experience no lacks of the selected child-specific items in Table 3. Restrictions experienced by year olds, by household Material Wellbeing Index score, grouped in quintiles of children, New Zealand Received help food, clothes, money from a community organisation more than once in the last 12 months.
Multiple restrictions out of 12 child-specific and 6 general child-relevant household items 18 in all. The Expert Advisory Group on Solutions to Child Poverty identified that measures of severe and persistent poverty were needed to monitor long term implications of experiencing poverty over time.
However, given that the sustainable development goals include reducing all measures of poverty, 2 it is essential that the data available are included in this report, and that improving their reliability is considered a priority for ongoing monitoring of child poverty. Income poverty and material hardship exist on a continuum from less to more severe. The second and third groups reflect the observation that, although important, household income is only one factor involved in determining household material wellbeing.
Households also vary in the budgetary demands related to debt servicing requirements, health- and disability-related costs, transport costs and expectations to assist others outside the immediate household. In relation to income poverty and material hardship households fall into four categories as listed below:. The last group, where both income poverty and material hardship overlap, is the one where the stress and need is likely to be the greatest.
People whose average income across all seven SoFIE years was below the average low income poverty line. As income was averaged across all seven years, participants may have been above the income poverty line in some years, but still classified as being in persistent poverty.
People whose income was below the income poverty line for the particular survey year. Note that there are no current data for indicators of persistent poverty. The persistent poverty information in this section is based on the analysis of SoFIE data to , as published by Carter and Imlach Gunasekara 9 with some unpublished data provided to Perry by Carter and Imlach Gunasekara. It will be important to review trends in later NZHES surveys to see whether this fall in rates is due to a new trend or statistical variation.
This high rate has not declined significantly since Surveys like NZHES are valuable, providing a repeated snapshot information of a different sample of households each survey. They cannot tell us, for example, how many of the poor in one survey are still among those counted as poor in the next survey. This survey finished in and obtained longitudinal data from the same group of people over seven years. SoFIE confirmed that the risk of higher material hardship increases the longer that households have low income.
People whose average income is below the average poverty line over all of the seven waves are defined as being in persistent income poverty or chronic low income. This is different to the disposable income benchmarks used in the earlier income poverty section.
New Zealand does not have a current longitudinal survey that collects income data from the same households over time. The SoFIE findings do however allow us to look at and interpret cross-sectional rates with an eye to the way that household experience of income poverty changed over time from — In any wave, around half were in both persistent income poverty and current income poverty, the other half being only in current income poverty i.
The people in this more transient group changed a lot over seven waves which is why the number in low income at least once in the seven waves was around double the number in low income at any one time. Income inequality raises economic as well as social and political concerns, because rising inequality tends to drag down GDP growth. When lower income people are prevented from realising their human capital potential, it is bad not only for them but for the economy as a whole. A population with a high level of inequality may be considered less socially connected than a society with less inequality.
OECD income distribution database http: Calculated by ranking individuals on the equivalised income of their respective households and dividing them into equal-sized groups or percentiles. If the ranking starts with the lowest income then the income at the top of the 10th percentile is denoted P10, the median or top of the 50th percentile is P50 and so on.
Ratios of values at the top of selected percentiles, such as P P20, are often called percentile ratios. Percentile ratios summarise the relative distance between two points in the income distribution: In the case of P P20 ratio this is the relative distance in the income distribution between high household incomes those in the 80th percentile and low household incomes those in the 20th percentile.
The higher the P P20 ratio, the greater the level of inequality; a P The incomes of households in higher income deciles rose more quickly than incomes for households in lower deciles, both in proportion and in absolute terms between and This led to a greater gap between those on "higher" and those on "lower" incomes Figure P20 ratio gives an indication of the degree of dispersion, or gap between "higher" and "lower" equivalised household incomes.
The ratio includes a range of incomes for most of the population. It also avoids the volatility associated with the top and bottom ten percent of incomes that would be included if the full spread of the distribution was included.
In New Zealand the most rapid rises in income inequality occurred between and Between and income inequality fell after introduction of the Working for Families WFF package. These changes were most noticeable for income inequality after housing costs Figure Real equivalised household incomes after housing costs, by income decile New Zealand — Ratio of 80th percentile to 20th percentile P P20 ratio of equivalised disposable housing income before and after housing costs, New Zealand — Income inequality comparisons between countries can be made using the Gini coefficient and the Palma ratio.
The Gini coefficient takes the incomes of all individuals into account and gives a summary of the income differences between each person in the population and every other person in the population. The Gini scores in this report range from 0 to Gini co-efficient x ; a score closer to indicates higher inequality and a score nearer zero indicates greater equality lower inequality within the country concerned.
The Palma ratio correlates well with the Gini co-efficient and is much easier to explain. The use of non-income measures provides a useful way of assessing relative material wellbeing. The European Union EU has developed and adopted an official measure of material hardship deprivation using non-income measures, which provides a robust way to make comparisons between countries. The comparative New Zealand data cannot be presented until the EU publishes a full range of official and updated figures based on the EU item deprivation index EU International comparisons of income poverty estimate the proportion of children in each country living in households below an agreed low-income threshold.
This type of comparison is not presented in detail in this report, because this approach can lead to incongruities when making comparisons between in rich countries with very different median income levels. In this section, international comparisons of income inequality and distribution are derived mainly from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development OECD Income Distribution Database 13 and the Eurostat for the EU database, with reference to other additional sources taken from Perry In New Zealand had a Gini score of New Zealand has very similar ranking using the Palma ratio Figure Gini score, by country, whole population OECD members Palma ratio, by country whole population OECD members In May , the EU formally adopted the item deprivation index EU as its official measure of social and material deprivation.
Although comparative New Zealand data cannot be presented until the EU publishes a full range of official and updated figures, in the meantime it is possible to present data from the Living Standards Survey to give some international comparisons, using the earlier EU-SILC European Union statistics on income and living conditions index. The hardship or deprivation risk ratio summarises the extent to which a specific group is over- or under- represented in material hardship categories compared with the whole population.
A hardship risk ratio greater than one means that children are over-represented in hardship statistics. The reason for this high risk ratio is that New Zealanders aged 65 and older have low rates of material hardship, pulling down the population rate more than for other countries. When both the risk ratio and the actual rates of material hardship are considered, New Zealand 0—17 year olds experienced both above median material hardship rates and an above median risk ratio.
Children aged 0—17 years in households by degree of material hardship, EU members cf. Material hardship risk ratio for 0—17 year olds compared with total population 20 European countries cf. New Zealand , Income is not distributed evenly across a population, even after taxes and transfers are taken into account.
Table 4 further shows that the household income distribution in New Zealand, the UK, Canada and Australia is broadly similar; Finland and Norway show less dispersed income distribution. International comparison of the shares of total income by quintile of equivalised disposable household income, selected countries c. Perry 7 derived from national statistics compilations: New Zealand Household Economic Survey. However it must be remembered that these rankings do not necessarily reflect the actual day-to-day living conditions experienced by children in these countries.
The 17 sustainable development goals of the United Nations Agenda for sustainable development officially came into force in January New Zealand is one of the signatories to this Agenda, and is expected to take ownership and establish national frameworks for the achievement of all 17 Goals. The first goal is to end poverty in all its forms, everywhere, with a specific target to reduce at least by half the proportion of men, women and children of all ages living in poverty in all its dimensions by This section of the report shows the changes required for New Zealand to halve the rates of 0—17 year olds living in low-income households and in households experiencing material hardship, using the measures presented in the Child Poverty Monitor and a baseline.
The extrapolation indicates that New Zealand needs continued sustained reductions in relation to this measure to meet the target. Sustained efforts to reduce rates of material hardship are also required to reduce these measurements to half of the benchmark by It is essential that measures taken to meet the target address the most severe income poverty within this group.
Children aged 0—17 years in households living in material hardship, by hardship level, New Zealand — and extrapolated to A rise in the unemployment rate is a key marker of an economic downturn in a community, with effects on a wide range of outcomes for all children and young people in a community, not only for those directly affected by job loss within their own household.
Gross domestic product and average hourly earnings have both increased in New Zealand since , with a steeper increase in GDP compared with the benefits received by workers. Base series from Lattimore and Eaqub 21 and supporting web page —Q1. GDP production chain volume seasonally adjusted total Q2—Q2. Estimated de facto population —; Estimated resident population Real GDP is adjusted for changing prices and reflects the extent to which growth in the value of goods and services is due to increased production rather than an increase in the absolute value of the goods and services produced.
The production approach to GDP measures the total value of goods and services produced in New Zealand, after deducting the cost of goods and services used in the production process. GDP data were re-expressed in March prices using a constant ratio based on the ratio of the nominal and real values in the March quarter; AHE data were re-expressed in March prices using rebased Consumer Price Index.
While the different data series used to develop a composite AHE data set may have had different underlying methodologies, this is not likely to have a significant effect on the overall pattern of quarterly change in AHE. The graph axes have been scaled to make it easier to compare the relative changes in each variable over time.
Real gross domestic product per capita and real average ordinary time hourly earnings, New Zealand March quarter to June quarter Lattimore and Eaqub 21 and Statistics New Zealand. The unemployment rate provides a picture of overall economic conditions. It reflects not only total lack of work but also insufficient volume of work. All people in the working-age population who, during the reference week, were without a paid job, available for work, and had either actively sought work in the past four weeks or had a new job to start within the next four weeks.
Number of unemployed people expressed as a percentage of the labour force. Usually resident, non-institutionalised, civilian population of New Zealand aged 15 years and over. Sum of those unemployed, underemployed, and in the potential labour force. Number of underutilised people expressed as a proportion of those in the extended labour force.
People who are in part-time employment who would like to, and are available to, work more hours. People who are not actively seeking work but are available and wanting a job, and people who are actively seeking but not currently available for work, but will be available in the next four weeks.
Seasonal adjustment removes the seasonal component present when dealing with quarterly data and makes the underlying behaviour of the series more apparent. A redesigned HLFS was implemented from the June quarter and will enable more accurate reporting of underutilisation statistics in line with International Labour Organisation recommendations.
In June there were , New Zealanders who were officially unemployed 4. Seasonally adjusted quarterly unemployment numbers and rates, New Zealand March to June Unemployment rates, in absolute terms, differ by age, with the highest rates consistently observed for young people aged 15—19 years.
From to unemployment rates for 15—19 year olds rose more steeply and peaked higher than unemployment rates for other age groups, and have remained much higher than rates for other age groups Figure The underutilisation rate includes persons underemployed and in the potential labour force, as well as those unemployed.
In June there were , New Zealanders seeking additional hours of work, actively seeking work but not available in the next week, or available but not actively seeking work.
The underutilisation rate increased following the global financial crisis and remains high Figure Analysis by Statistics New Zealand showed that from — unemployment and underutilisation data followed similar patterns over time with the underutilisation rate much higher than the unemployment rate.
These 15—19 and 20—24 year old age groups had both the highest numbers and rates of underemployment, unemployment, potential labour force, and underutilisation. Unemployment rates by selected age groups, New Zealand — The project has been designed as an innovative early intervention approach to families at risk around the time of child birth.
Return to top of page The Experiences and Reflections of Young New Zealanders who Attempted Suicide Lottery Health Research - This study involves in-depth interviews with equal numbers of Maori, Pacific Island and Pakeha young people who made a serious attempt to kill themselves. An equal number of young men and young women are selected for each cultural group.
It seeks their understanding of their own experience s , the events at that time and what might have helped them. Funding from charitable organisations has also contributed to this project. It involved an analysis of data gathered in our research on Urban to Rural Migration, as outlined above. In particular, this work is focused on the household and social aspects of the rural population being studied - that is recent migrants from urban centres to rural areas and smaller towns.
This involved the use of currently available data sets to provide some insights as to the quality of life of the residents of Hutt City. The final output of the project was an on-line system for Hutt City Council, and can be updated as new information arrives.
The focus has been on developing cultural awareness as a critical part of the strategy to address identified deficits in engaging Maori and Pacific Island clients appropriately.
The investigation sought information on household income and expenditure patterns for low income Maori whanau. It involves use of focus groups with Samoan Elders and workers in the mental health field, to investigate the opinions and experiences of Samoan people, with regard to Samoan concepts of mental health and the provision of culturally based services. The Maori Option: Report prepared for The Ministry of Maori Development, Te Puni Kokiri Social Analysis Portfolio This project involved a literature review, a survey of Maori households, and eight focus groups with Maori, to investigate participants perceptions and experiences of the reforms in the state housing sector.
It involves a large scale face to face survey investigation of households that have moved to rural areas and small towns from urban areas. Four generic areas have been studied involving migration out of Wellington, Auckland, Christchurch and Palmerston North. The project is now addressing Maori migration back to tribal areas. The survey work is also complemented with focus group research and the analysis of data from Statistics New Zealand Census and Supermap database.
A major aspect involves a focus group methodology to investigate estimations of minimum adequate income by low income households, including Maori, Pacific Island, Pakeha, Sole parents, Employed, Unemployed, Rural and Urban participants. The quantitative work involves identifying the incidence, severity and make up of poverty in New Zealand.
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